SOCIALISM 


RECENT  DEVELOPMENTS 
IN  SOCIALISM 

with  Bibliographies  and  Directory 

COMPILED  FOR  THE 

LEAGUE  FOR  INDUSTRIAL  DEMOCRACY 

FIFTH  AVENUE,  NEW  YORK  CITY 


BY 


HARRY  W.  LAIDLER,  PH.  D. 


Since  the  armistice  of  November,  1918,  significant  cl 
have  taken  place  within  the  Socialist  and  labor  movements  of 
the  world.  At  the  time  of  the  armistice,  revolutions  were  sweep- 
ing Europe.  The  Russians  were  celebrating  the  first  anniversary 
of  their  November  revolution.  Hungary  was  plunging  into  Com- 
munism. Germany  and  Austria  were  undergoing  political  revo- 
lutions; new  republics,  such  as  Czecho-Slovakia,  were  springing 
up  almost  daily.  The  Italian  workers  were  in  revolt.  The  Bel- 
gians were  rejoicing  in  their  new  boon  of  equal  suffrage.  The 
Social  Democrats  were  in  control  in  Germany,  Austria  and  Czecho- 
slovakia, and  exerted  a  strong  influence  in  the  cabinets  of  other 
countries.  To  many  the  only  alternative  to  a  Social  Democratic 
Europe  seemed  to  be  a  Communist  Europe. 

The  Socialist  and  Communist  offensive,  however,  spent  it- 
self— at  least  for  the  time  being — and,  during  the  last  few  years, 
a  distinct  capitalist  and  monarchist  reaction  has  set  in.  These 
movements  are  far  stronger  than  they  were  before  the  war,  but, 
at  present  writing,  they  are  distinctly  on  the  defensive.  Their 
position  has  been  rendered  ever  more  difficult  by  the  numerous 
splits  in  their  own  ranks.  The  reaction  is  fortunately  welding 
the  workers  together  again  and  labor  is  now  preparing  to  "come 
back"  as  the  one  great,  constructive  force  to  be  found  on  the 
European  continent. 

These  developments  have  had  a  profound  effect  on  Socialist 
theory  and  tactics.  They  have  given  world-wide  circulation  to 
the  doctrines  of  Bolshevism  or  the  newer  communism,  and  have 
brought  to  the  fore  the  conflict  between  the  ideals  of  democracy 
and  dictatorship  and  those  of  parliamentary  representation  and 
Sovietism. 

In  February,  1919,  the  Intercollegiate  Socialist  Society,  the 
predecessor  of  the  League  for  Industrial  Democrf^y,  published 


a  pamphlet,  "Study  Courses  in  Socialism",  briefly  outlining  the 
developments  of  the  movement  to  that  period.* 

The  present  pamphlet  is  an  attempt  to  supplement  the  1919 
publication  and  bring  it  up-to-date.  It  is  prepared  primarily  for 
college  discussion  classes,  but  may  be  of  interest  to  the  general 
reader. 

THE  INTERNATIONALS. 

Prior  to  the  World  War  Socialists  of  Europe  were  united  in 
the  Second  International.  The  war  split  this  body  into  two  or 
more  hostile  camps.  It  was  some  months  before  any  conference 
was  called  among  the  Socialists  of  different  nations.  In  the  be- 
ginning of  1915,  demands  that  the  Socialists  act  in  behalf  of 
peace  began  to  make  themselves  heard  and  during  the  next  few 
years  frequent  conferences  were  held  by  comrades  of  the  allied 
and  neutral  nations  for  the  purpose  of  considering  the  best  way 
of  bringing  about  an  early  peace.  The  1918  Inter-Allied  Social- 
ist conference  denounced  all  imperialistic  designs  of  the  warring 
countries,  favored  the  principle  of  self-determination,  and  con- 
demned the  idea  of  an  economic  war  after  the  peace.  The  one 
group  of  Socialists  including  in  their  conferences  comrades  from 
both  the  Allies  and  the  Central  Powers  were  the  "Zimmerwald- 
ians",  most  of  them  extreme,  anti-war  Socialists.  These  con- 
ferences were  in  a  sense  the  forerunners  of  the  Third  Inter- 
national. 

During  the  war,  differences  of  opinion  arose  regarding  the 
relation  of  labor  to  the  warring  governments,  and  later  concern- 
ing the  tactics  adopted  by  the  Russian  Bolsheviks.  With  £he 
coming  of  peace,  these  differences  gave  rise  to  the  formation  of 
a  number  of  "internationals"  bitterly  opposed  to  one  another. 

1.  The  moderate  Socialists  who,  for  the  most  part,  had  sup- 
ported their  respective  governments  during  the  war,  remained 
in  the  Second  International.     These  included  the  British  and 
Belgian  Labor  parties,  the  German  Social  Democratic  party,  the 
Swedish  Socialists  and  similar  groups. 

2.  Those  Socialists  who  had  taken  a  more  militantly  anti-war 
position,  but  who  refused  to  commit  themselves  to  the  Bolshevik 
tactics,  formed  the  so-called  "Vienna"  or  "Second-and-a-Half" 
International.     Under  the  banner  of  this  organization  were  in- 
cluded the  Austrian  and  Swiss  Social  Democracies,  the  British 
Independent  Labor  party,  the  German  Independent  Socialists, 
the  French  Socialists,  and,  more  recently,  the  American  Socialist 
party. 

3.  The  Russian  Bolsheviks  formed  the  Third  International. 
The  Bolsheviks  agreed  with  the  members  of  the  Vienna  group  in 
their  anti-war  position.    They  differed,  however,  in  their  .advo- 
cacy of  the  "dictatorship  of  the  proletariat",  of  the  Soviet  form 
of  government,  and  of  immediate  social  revolutions  throughout 

•The  League  has  a  few  more  of  these  pamphlets  In  stock,  for  use  In  study  classes.  This 
former  pamphlet  is  rather  a  detailed  syllabus  of  the  theory  and  practice  of  the  movement  until 
the  close  of  the  war. 


Europe  through  the  employment  of  Bolshevik  tactics.  The  last 
demand  was  based  upon  the  belief  that  the  European  masses 
were  ready  for  revolution  and  were  waiting  only  for  the  leader- 
ship of  a  determined  revolutionary  minority;  furthermore,  that 
only  through  social  revolution  in  western  and  central  Europe 
could  the  fruits  of  the  Russian  revolution  be  preserved.  The 
Third  International,  organized  in  Moscow  in  March,  1919,  was 
dominated  almost  entirely  by  the  Russian  Bolsheviks.  The  chief 
members  of  the  party  outside  of  Russia  were  the  French  and 
German  communists. 

4.  A  small  group  of  communists  in  Germany,  England,  Hol- 
land and  one  or  two  other  countries  formed,  in  1921,  a  Fourth 
International,  in  the  belief  that  the  Third  had  become  the  agent 
of  the  compromising  Russian  government,  and  could  no  longer 
lead  the  revolution. 

A  split  also  developed  within  the  trade  union  movement  of 
Europe  with  the  organization  of  the  "Red"  Trade  Union  Inter- 
national, as  opposed  to  the  "Amsterdam"  International  Federa- 
tion of  Trade  Unions — the  latter  still  representative  of  the  great 
mass  of  organized  workers  outside  of  Russia. 

The  formation  of  communist  parties  in  the  various  European 
countries  failed  to  produce  the  hoped-for  revolution.  Instead, 
the  spasmodic  and  often  ill-advised  rebellions  of  the  communists, 
the  weakened  condition  of  the  movement  as  a  result  of  its  in- 
ternal fights,  the  intense  period  of  unemployment  and  the  war- 
weariness  of  the  masses,  gave  added  impetus  to  the  forces  of 
reaction.  The  unexpected  strength  of  this  reaction,  among  other 
forces,  led  "Moscow"  to  demand  that  the  European  workers  join 
once  more  in  a  "united  front".  During  the  Spring  of  1922,  the 
three  Internationals  sought  some  method  of  federation,  but  con- 
ferences looking  to  that  end  were  unsuccessful.  Present  indica- 
tions point  to  a  union  of  the  Second  and  Vienna  Internationals 
within  the  next  few  months  and  to  a  more  gradual  rapproche- 
ment with  the  Communist  International. 


EUROPEAN  COUNTRIES. 

During  the  last  two  years,  the  European  Socialists  have  been 
engaged  largely  in  defensive  warfare. 

The  British  Labor  party  during  1920-22  gained  a  number 
of  seats  in  by-elections  and  entered  the  November  General  Elec- 
tions with  a  representation  of  about  74  in  the  House  of  Commons. 
This  was  increased  as  a  result  of  the  elections  of  1922  to  about 
140  seats,  thus  making  Labor  the  second  party  in  the  country. 
In  Sweden,  the  leader  of  the  Swedish  Socialists,  Branting,  was 
chosen  Premier. 

In  Germany,  the  Independent  Socialists  split,  a  strong  mi- 
nority forming  a  communist  party.  The  failure  of  the  March 
"putsch"  of  1921  greatly  weakened  this  party,  and,  at  present 
writing,  its  influence  is  waning.  The  Independent  Socialists,  in 
the  early  fall  of  1922,  joined  forces  again  with  the  Majority 


Socialists,  thus  forming  the  most  powerful  single  party  in  the 
country.  The  United  Social  Democratic  party  (the  new  consoli- 
dated party)  and  the  communists  control  over  40  per  cent  of 
the  seats  in  the  Reichstag.  President  Ebert,  the  moderate  Social 
Democratic  president,  will  retain  office,  as  a  result  of  a  recent 
vote  in  the  Reichstag,  until  1925.  The  Socialists  and  trade  union- 
ists in  1920  crushed,  largely  by  means  of  a  general  strike,  the 
attempt  of  Kapp  to  place  the  monarchists  in  power.  Many 
prominent  Socialists,  including  Hugo  Haase,  were  assassinated 
during  the  course  of  the  reaction  by  the  bullets  of  their  op- 
ponents. While  the  socialists  are  at  present  represented  in  the 
Wirth  cabinet,  they  are  not  as  yet  in  the  majority. 

Since  the  social  revolution  of  November,  1917,  in  Russia,  the 
Soviet  government  has  been  compelled  to  give  its  main  attention 
to  fighting  foes  without  and  within.  During  the  last  year,  on 
account  of  insurmountable  obstacles  confronting  a  thorough- 
going communist  industrial  order,  they  have  adopted  a  new 
economic  policy,  and  have  granted  extensive  concessions  to  pri- 
vate owners.  They  have,  however,  retained  in  governmental 
hands  the  main  industries  of  the  country.  Chief  attention  has 
of  late  been  directed  to  the  opening  up  of  commercial  relations 
with  other  countries. 

Following  the  World  War,  the  Italian  Socialists  won  a 
notable  victory,  increasing  their  representation  from  between 
70  and  80  to  156 — about  one-third  the  entire  parliamentary  rep- 
resentation. In  the  summer  and  early  fall  of  1920,  during  a 
strike  of  the  metal  workers,  factories  were  seized  throughout 
the  country,  employers  were  ousted  and  the  metal  workers  pro- 
ceeded for  a  short  period  to  run  industry.  Later  they  com- 
promised and  returned  the  factories  to  their  original  owners.  This 
action  gave  to  Mussolini,  former  Socialist,  and  his  followers,  the 
ultra-nationalistic  Fascisti,  an  excuse  for  a  relentless  campaign 
of  violence  against  the  Socialist,  trade  union  and  cooperative 
movements.  The  split  of  the  movement  into  the  Socialist  and 
communist  branches  further  weakened  the  radicals  and  whetted 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  Fascisti. 

In  the  1921  elections  Socialists  and  communists  elected  125 
representatives,  despite  the  Fascisti  terrorism  at  the  polls.  Since 
then  scores  of  labor  groups  have  joined  the  Fascisti  movement, 
which  is  now  in  part  a  nationalistic  syndicalist  movement,  and 
the  Fascisti  have  become  the  undisputed  rulers  of  Italy. 
Whether  it  will  have  to  make  great  concessions  to  the  masses 
in  order  to  keep  their  allegiance,  or  will  be  the  tool  of  the  reac- 
tion until  driven  from  power,  it  is  too  early  to  say. 

The  French  Socialists  also  split,  following  the  war,  into  the 
Communist  party,  the  majority  group,  and  the  Socialist  party. 
The  communists  have  at  present  the  larger  party  membership, 
though  the  French  Socialist  party  -has  the  greater  number  of 
adherents  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies.  The  two  parties  are 
represented  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  by  between  60  and  70 


seats,  as  against  101  prior  to  the  war.  The  trade  union  move- 
ment has  been  greatly  weakened  in  recent  years. 

The  1921  election  of  the  Belgian  Labor  party  gave  that  party 
some  66  seats  in  the  lower  house  and  over  40  in  the  senate.  Be- 
fore the  war  there  were  40  in  the  house  and  a  mere  handful  in  the 
senate.  Belgium  now  enjoys  universal  and  equal  manhood  suffrage. 

The  Socialists  in  Austria  and  Czecho-Slovakia  were  in  power 
immediately  after  the  revolution,  but,  as  a  result  of  the  split, 
later  became  minority  forces.  The  Austrian  Social  Democracy 
controls  between  35  per  cent  and  40  per  cent  of  the  seats  in  the 
national  chamber.  The  Czecho-Slovakian  Social  Democratic 
party  is  represented  also  in  the  cabinet  by  several  members.  In 
Hungary,  Jugo-Slavia  and  Rumania,  the  reactionary  govern- 
ments have  done  their  best  to  suppress  the  radical  movements 
in  their  respective  countries. 

While  in  the  large  majority  of  the  European  countries,  the 
working  class  political  movements  are  proportionately  far  more 
influential  than  in  1914,  they  have,  for  the  most  part,  been  com- 
pelled to  mark  time  during  the  past  two  years,  and  in  a  number 
of  instances  have  retrogressed.  Between  1914  and  1920  the 
trade  union  movement  more  than  doubled  in  numbers.  The 
past  year  of  unemployment  and  reaction  has  caused  a  consider- 
able loss  in  membership,  due  in  part  to  economic  depression  and 
unemployment,  in  part  to  the  pressure  of  the  reaction,  and  in 
part  to  excesses  and  to  dissensions  within  the  ranks  of  labor. 


THE  UNITED  STATES. 

The  Socialist  movement  in  the  United  States  during  and 
after  the  war  was  profoundly  influenced  by  the  political  and 
economic  currents  abroad.  Throughout  the  war  the  Socialist 
party  maintained  a  consistent  anti-war  attitude.  In  the  latter 
part  of  1917  this  position  led  to  a  considerable  increase  in  its 
membership.  As  the  war  advanced,  however,  and  the  govern- 
ment began  its  prosecutions,  the  party  membership  and  the 
party  votes  decreased. 

During  the  early  part  of  1919,  opposition  manifested  itself 
within  the  party  on  the  ground  that  its  anti-war  position  had  not 
been  militant  enough  and  that  it  had  failed  to  adopt  the  tactics 
of  the  Russian  Bolsheviks.  This  opposition  at  first  organized 
itself  into  a  distinct  "Left  Wing"  within  the  Socialist  party.  A 
portion  of  the  Left  Wing,  composed  largely  of  the  Russian  fed- 
erations, broke  away  from  the  party  during  the  spring  and  sum- 
mer of  1919,  and  in  the  fall  of  that  year  formed  the  Communist 
party.  Another  portion  seceded  from  the  party  during  the  fall 
convention  in  Chicago,  and  organized  a  Communist  Labor 
party — the  chief  difference  between  the  Communist  party  and 
the  Communist  Labor  party  being  the  dominance  in  the  former 
of  the  Russian  group.  The  Communist  Labor  party  later  amal- 
gamated with  the  non-Russian  elements  in  the  Communist  party, 
forming  the  United  Communist  party. 


In  the  meanwhile  many  leaders  in  these  organizations  were 
arrested  under  State  syndicalist  laws  and  sentenced  to  prison. 
The  party  headquarters  were  entered,  the  literature  and  other 
property  confiscated  or  destroyed.  "Agents  provocateurs"  were 
hired  to  spy  on  the  members  and  no  stone  was  left  unturned  in 
an  effort  to  suppress  the  "red  peril". 

These  parties  were  thus  compelled  to  function,  in  part  at 
least,  as  "underground"  organizations.  One  of  the  charges 
which  the  remnants  of  the  Communist  party  made  against  the 
United  Communist  party  was  that  the  latter  made  no  guaranty 
in  its  constitution  that  it  would  remain  underground.  They 
claimed  that  it  might  at  any  moment  come  out  as  an  open-and- 
above-board  group. 

In  the  meanwhile  another  Left  Wing  group  was  developing 
within  the  Socialist  party.  After  the  Socialists  had  refused  to 
join  the  Third  International,  this  group  likewise  seceded,  joined 
hands  in  the  late  fall  of  1921  with  various  communist  elements 
and  formed  a  "legal  communist  party",  known  as  the  Workers' 
party. 

Bereft  of  its  left-wingers,  the  Socialist  party — now  greatly 
reduced  in  membership — sought  an  alliance  with  other  groups. 
In  February,  1922,  it  sent  representatives  to  a  conference  called 
by  some  of  the  leaders  of  the  railway  brotherhoods,  and  unof- 
ficially assisted  in  launching  the  rather  loose  organization  known 
as  the  Conference  for  Progressive  Political  Action. 

In  New  York  State,  the  party  participated,  in  the  summer  of 
1922,  in  the  formation  of  the  American  Labor  party,  consisting 
of  a  number  of  trade  unions,  the  Farmer-Labor  party  and  the 
Socialist.  The  American  Labor  party  was  modeled  somewhat 
after  the  British  Labor  party.  The  party  is  now  strongest  in 
Wisconsin,  where  it  elected  Victor  L.  Berger  to  Congress  in  the 
November,  1922,  elections,  and  controls  the  office  of  mayor  in 
Milwaukee. 

Another  Labor  party  was  formed  in  Chicago  in  1919,  and  in 
the  succeeding  year,  as  the  Farmer-Labor  party,  nominated  a 
presidential  ticket  headed  by  Parley  Parker  Christensen,  and 
secured  265,411  votes,  as  compared  with  919,799  obtained  by 
Eugene  V.  Debs,  the  Socialist  party  candidate,  then  in 
prison.  Other  radical  or  progressive  movements  functioning 
during  the  past  few  years  have  been  the  National  Non-Partisan 
League,  which,  at  times,  completely  controlled  the  State  of 
North  Dakota;  and  the  Committee  of  Forty-eight,  which  has 
recently  helped  in  the  organization  of  several  Liberal  parties, 
primarily  in  the  western  states.  The  November,  1922,  elections 
which  sent  to  the  U.  S.  Senate  Shipstead,  representing  the  Farmer- 
Labor  party  in  Minnesota,  Frazier,  of  the  North  Dakota  Non- 
partisan  League,  Brookhart  of  Iowa,  Dill  of  Washington,  La- 
Follette  of  Wisconsin,  etc., 'and  that  elected  Sweet  to  the  gov- 
ernorship of  Colorado,  is  indicative  of  the  wide-spread  dissatis- 
faction existing  with  the  conservative  group  in  the  old  parties,  a 

6 


dissatisfaction  which  seems  likely  ultimately  to  express  itself 
in  a  powerful  labor  and  farmer  party. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY  ON  "POST-WAR  DEVELOPMENTS." 

The  Internationals:  Laidler,  "Socialism",  etc.,  pp.  283-307;  Dutt, 
"The  Two  Internationals"  (London,  Labour  Pub.  Co.) ;  Labour  Research  De- 
partment, "International  Labour  Handbook"  (London,.  Labour  Pub.  Co.); 
Rand  School,  "American  Labor  Year  Book,"  1919-20,  p.  311-20;  1921-22  (N.  Y., 
Hanford  Press) ;  Postgate,  "Workers'  Internationals"  (N.  Y.,  Harcourt,  1920). 
Zimand,  "Modern  Social  Movements,"  p.  127;  Lenin,  "The  Collapse  of  the 
Second  International,"  (Glasgow,  Socialist  Labor  Press).  See  also  files  of 
Labour  Monthly,  Lo,bor  Age,  The  Nation,  Current  History,  Socialist  Review. 

Russia. —  (1)  Bibliography:  Zimand,  "Modern  Social  Movements"  (N.  Y., 
H.  W.  Wilson,  1921),  pp.  231-251;  Clark,  Evans,  "Facts  and  Fabrications 
About  Soviet  Russia"  (N.  Y.,  Rand  School,  1920;  pamphlet);  International 
Labor  Office,  Bibliography  on  Russia,  1920;  Bloomfield,  in  selected  articles  on 
Modern  Industrial  Movement,  1919. 

(2)  Descriptive:  Brailsford,  "Russian  Workers'  Republic"  (N.  Y.,  Har- 
per, 1921) ;   Ransome,  "Russia  in   1919"    (N.  Y.,  Huebsch,  1919)  ;    Williams, 
Albert  Rhys,  "Through  the  Russian  Revolution"    (N.  Y.,  Boni  &  Liveright, 
1921)  ;  Goode,  "Bolshevism  at  Work"   (N.  Y.,  Harcourt,  1920)  ;  Russell,  Ber- 
trand,  "Bolshevism,  Practice  and  Theory"    (N.  Y.,  Harcourt,   1920,  Pt.  2) ; 
Humphries,  "The  Structure  of  Soviet  Russia"   (Chicago,  Kerr,  1920;  pamph- 
let) ;  Hard,  William,  "Raymond  Robins'  Own  Story"   (N.  Y.,  Harper,  1920)  ; 
Price,  Phillips,  "The  Old  Order  in  Europe  and  the  New  Order  in  Russia," 

(N.  Y.,  Soc.  Pub.  Soc.) ;  Labour  Party  Delegation,  "British  Labor  Delegation 
to  Russia  1920"  (London,  Labour  Party) ;  Wells,  H.  G.,  "Russia  in  the  Shad- 
ows" (N.  Y.,  Doran,  1921) ;  Ross,  "Russia  in  Upheaval"  (N.  Y.,  Century, 
1918) ;  Lansbury,  "What  I  Saw  in  Russia"  (N.  Y.,  Boni  &  Liveright,  1920) ; 
Bullitt,  "The  Bullitt  Mission  to  Russia"  (N.  Y.,  Huebsch,  1919)  ;  McBride, 
"Barbarous  Soviet  Russia"  (N.  Y.,  Seltzer,  1920) ;  Bullard,  "The  Russian 
Pendulum"  (N.  Y.,  Macmillan,  1919) ;  Williams,  A.  R.,  "Lenin,  the  Man  and 
His  Work"  (N.  Y.,  Seltzer,  1919) ;  Leary,  "Education  and  Autocracy  in  Rus- 
sia" (Buffalo,  Univ.  of  Buffalo,  1919);  Lomonossoff,  "Memoirs  of  the  Russian 
Revolution"  (N.  Y.,  Rand  School,  1919;  pamphlet);  Albertson,  "Fighting 
Without  a  War"  (N.  Y.,  Harcourt,  1920);  Buxton,  "In  a  Russian  Village" 
(London,  Labour  Pub.  Co.,  1922) ;  Hunt,  A.  R.,  "Facts  About  Communist 
Hungary"  (N.  Y.,  People's  Print,  1919);  Brailsford,  H.  N.,  "Across  the 
Blockade"  (N.  Y.,  Harcourt,  1919) ;  Heller,  "Industrial  Revival  in  Soviet 
Russia"  (N.  Y.,  Seltzer,  1922);  Masaryk,  "The  Spirit  of  Russia"  (N.  Y., 
Macmillan,  1918)  ;  Foster,  "The  Russian  Revolution"  (Chicago,  Trade  Union 
Educational  League,  1922). 

(3)  Documentary:    "Decrees   and    Constitution    of   Soviet   Russia,"   Re- 
printed from  The  Nation;  Magnes,  "Russia  and  Germany  at  Brest-Litovsk" 
(N.  Y.,  Rand  School,  1919)  ;  Gumming  and  Pettit,  "Russian-American  Rela- 
tions"  (N.  Y.,  Harcourt,  1920);   U. -S.  State  Department,  "The  Second  Con- 
gress of  the  Communist  International"    (Washington,  Government  Printing 
Office,  1920) ;  "Education  and  Art  in  Soviet  Russia"  (N.  Y.  Socialist  Pub.  Soc.; 
pamphlet) ;    Files  of   The  Nation,   Class  Struggle,  Socialist  Review,  Labour 
Monthly,  etc\ 

Great  Britain. — Zimand,  "Modern  Social  Movements",  pp.  168-173; 
Gleason,  "What  the  Workers  Want"  (N.  Y.,  Harcourt,  1920) ;  Laidler,  "So- 
cialism", etc.,  pp.  409-20;  Labour  Research  Department,  "International  Labour 
Handbook",  pp.  252-258;  Thomas,  "When  Labour  Rules"  (London,  W.  Collins 
Sons  &  Co.,  1920) ;  Webb,  "Constitution  for  the  Socialist  Commonwealth  of 
Great  Britain"  (N.  Y.,  Longmans,  1920) ;  Stewart,  "J.  Keir  Hardie"  (London, 
I.  L.  P.,  1922) ;  Macdonald,  "A  policy  for  the  Labour  Party"  (London,  Leon- 
ard Parsons,  1920) ;  Files  of  Labour  Monthly,  Labor  Age,  Socialist  Review, 
etc. 

Continental  European  Countries,  Outside  of  Russia. — Zimand,  "Modern 
Social  Movements",  pp.  160  seq. ;  Labour  Research  Department,  "International 


Labour  Handbook",  1919-1920;  Young,  "The  New  Germany"  (N.  Y.,  Harcourt, 
1920) ;  Dannenberg,  "Revolution  in  Germany"  (N.  Y.,  Radical  Rev.  Pub. 
Assn.,  1919)  ;  Matthaei,  "Germany  in  Revolution"  (N.  Y.,  Harcpurt,  1920) ; 
Zimand,  "German  Revolution  and  After",  in  Intercollegiate  Socialist,  April- 
May,  1919;  Beard,  "Cross  Currents  in  Europe  Today"  (Boston,  Marshall 
Jones  Co.,  1922) ;  Files  of  Socialist  Review  (Dec.,  1919,  to  April-May,  1921) ; 
Labor  Age  (Nov.,  1921)  ;  The  Nation,  Labour  Monthly,  Liberator,  Current 
History,  etc. 

The  United  States. — Benedict,  "The  Larger  Socialism";  Laidler,  "Social- 
ism", etc.,  pps.  454-474;  in  The  Socialist  Review,  "Present  Status  of  Social- 
ism in  America",  Jan.,  1920;  Socialist  Party  of  the  U.  S.,  "Political  Guide  for 
the  Workers"  (Chicago,  Soc.  Pty.,  1920) ;  Solomon,  Charles,  "Albany  Trial" 
(N.  Y.,  Rand  School,  1920) ;  Hillquit,  "Socialism  on  Trial"  (N.  Y.,  Huebsch, 
1920);  Karsner,  "Debs:  His  Authorized  Life"  (N.  Y.,  Boni  &  Liveright, 
1919) ;  Zimand,  "Modern  Social  Movements",  p.  177ff ;  Rand  School,  "Ameri- 
can Labor  Year  Book";  see  files  of  The  Nation,  Labor  Age,  Liberator,  etc.; 
Russell,  C.  E.,  "The  Story  of  the  Non-Partisan  League"  (N.  Y.,  Harper  & 
Bros.,  1920) ;  National  Non-Partisan  League,  "Origin,  Purpose  and  Method" 
(St.  Paul,  Nat.  Non-Partisan  League) ;  Gaston,  H.  E.,  "Non-Partisan  League" 
(N.  Y.,  Harcourt,  1920). 

BOLSHEVISM. 

Bolshevism  or  modern  communism  differs  from  Socialism  not 
so  much  in  the  ends  to  be  attained  as  in  the  means  used  to  at- 
tain these  ends.  The  ultimate  aim  of  the  Bolshevists  is  similar 
to  that  of  the  Socialists, — a  system  of  industry  socially  owned 
and  democratically  managed  for  the  common  good.  Bolsheviks 
contend,  however,  that  labor  cannot  depend  upon  the  ballot  or 
upon  political  democracy  as  a  means  to  that  goal.  If  labor  had  to 
wait  until  it  elected  a  majority  of  representatives  to  a  national 
legislature,  it  would,  in  most  countries,  contend  the  Bolsheviks, 
take  many  weary  years,  especially  in  view  of  the  corrupting 
power  of  the  press  and  other  forces  of  public  opinion.  And  even 
after  labor  had  attained  a  majority  of  seats,  there  still  would 
be  no  guarantee  that  the  labor  representatives  would  undertake 
to  socialize  industry. 

The  Bolshevik  method  of  procedure  is  to  organize  the  intelli- 
gent, aggressive,  militant  minority  of  the  working  class  popula- 
tion for  revolutionary  action.  Efforts  should  be  made  toward 
this  end  particularly  in  "strategic"  or  "key"  industries  such  as 
the  railroads,  telegraphs,  telephones,  electric  lights,  mines,  etc., 
as  well  as  in  the  army  and  navy.  The  members  of  these  revolu- 
tionary groups,  Bolsheviks  say,  should  be  subjected  to  strong 
discipline.  Local  groups  should  give  implicit  obedience  to  cen- 
tral committees  of  action,  and  should  do  their  best  to  permeate 
the  rank  and  file  of  labor  with  the  Bolshevik  philosophy. 

At  a  favorable  moment,  they  should  begin  a  concerted  effort 
for  the  capture  of  the  government.  The  army  and  navy  or  im- 
portant portions  of  it  should  be  swung  into  the  ranks  of  the  revo- 
lutionists. The  agencies  of  transportation  and  communication 
and  the  public  press  should  be  seized,  and  utilized  in  behalf  of 
the  revolution ;  old  officials  should  be  ousted ;  the  old  democratic 
forms  abolished,  and  Soviets  of  workers,  peasants  and  soldiers 
should  supplant  representative  legislatures. 

8 


According  to  Bolshevik  tactics,  this  capture  of  the  state 
should  be  succeeded  by  a  "dictatorship  of  the  proletariat".  In 
establishing  this  dictatorship,  the  workers  should  disfranchise 
non-pro'ducers,  extending  the  rig-lit  to  vote  only  to  workers.  The 
farming  population  should  be  represented,  but  should  have  pro- 
portionately a  smaller  representation  than  has  the  city  worker. 
Opposition  papers  should  be  temporarily  suppressed;  counter- 
revolutionary movements  put  down  with  an  iron  hand,  and  the 
Soviets  should  proceed  immediately  upon  a  comprehensive  pro- 
gram of  socialization.  Side  by  side  with  this  action,  an  interna- 
tional of  the  workers  should  be  formed  for  the  purpose  of  stim- 
ulating immediate  revolution  in  other  countries.  Following  the 
transition  period,  freedom  of  discussion  should  be  restored  and, 
with  the  elimination  of  parasitism,  the  franchise  should  again 
be  made  practically  universal. 

The  Soviet  form  of  government,  as  advocated  by  the  Bolshe- 
viks, is  pyramidal  in  form.  Groups  of  workers  in  local  districts 
elect  delegates  to  the  local  Soviets ;  these  delegates,  in  turn,  elect 
representatives  to  the  provincial  Soviets  and  the  latter  chose 
the  representatives  to  the  All-Russian  Congress  of  Soviets.  The 
national  congress  elects  a  central  executive  committee  of  200. 
This  executive  committee  chooses  the  Commissars,  which  con- 
stitute the  most  important  administrative  body.  The  Commissars 
are  in  charge  of  foreign  affairs,  education,  finance,  justice,  etc. 
The  economic  functions  are  centralized  in  the  Supreme  Economic 
Council,  a  cabinet  department  whose  membership  of  69  consists 
of  30  representatives  from  industrial  unions,  20  from  regional 
councils,  10  from  the  central  executive  committee,  7  from  the 
council  of  peoples  commissaries,  and  2  from  cooperatives. 

The  original  Bolshevik  tactics  have  been  considerably  modi- 
fied during  the  past  few  years,  owing  largely  to  the  failure  of 
social  revolutionary  movements  in  other  parts  of  Europe,  and  to 
the  fact  that  the  peasants,  who  constitute  the  great  majority  of 
the  population,  had  to  be  conciliated.  The  Bolsheviks  have  re- 
cently granted  an  increased  measure  of  free  discussion  to  their 
opponents,  'have  brought  numerous  non-Bolshevik  elements  into 
the  government,  are  granting  to  private  employers  the  right  to 
own  and  operate  certain  industries  and  are  leasing  out  other 
industries  to  private  managers. 

The  critics  of  Bolshevism  maintain  that  the  Bolsheviks  erred 
in  basing  their  tactics  so  largely  on  the  assumption  that  revolu- 
tions were  about  to  break  out  in  other  European  countries;  in 
adopting  anti-social  means,  such  as  violence,  to  attain  social 
ends;  in  assuming  that  such  a  semi-feudalistic  system  as  existed 
in  Russia  could  be  transformed  at  a  single  step  into  a  cooperative 
commonwealth,  and  that  a  highly  centralized  and  comparatively 
inexperienced  Soviet  government,  after  thus  socializing  the  en- 
tire industrial  structure,  could  run  this  structure  efficiently;  in 
failing  adequately  to  consider  the  economic  beliefs  and  the  po- 
tential power  of  the  large  mass  of  slowly  moving  peasants;  in 
excluding  from  the  government  the  non-Bolshevik  revolutionary 


elements;  in  failing  to  bring  to  its  aid  from  the  very  beginning 
the  technicians  and  other  intellectual  forces  of  the  community; 
and  in  trying  to  superimpose  upon  the  labor  movements  of  other 
countries  tactics  which  may  have  been  necessary  and  desirable 
in  a  semi-feudal,  agricultural  country  like  Russia,  but  which  are 
not  adaptable  to  countries  with  a  widely  different  economic, 
social  and  political  background. 

The  recent  change  in  front  of  the  Soviet  government  indi- 
cates that  the  Bolsheviks  themselves  now  admit,  at  least  in  part, 
the  justice  of  many  of  these  criticisms. 

Socialist,  critics  of  the  Bolsheviks,  however,  maintain  that 
much  of  the  present  distress  in  Russia  today  is  due  largely  to 
the  blockade  and  to  the  fact  that  the  Bolsheviks  were  compelled 
to  divert  most  of  their  attention  from  economic  reconstruction 
to  military  operations  against  internal  and  external  forces  that 
were  assisted  with  money  and  ammunition  supplied  by  the  capi- 
talist governments  of  Western  Europe. 

Socialists  maintain  that  the  Russian  government  should  be 
immediately  recognized,  and  that  all  trade  restrictions  with 
Russia  should  be  removed.  Russia  is  now  a  great  laboratory  of 
economic  experimentation.  The  world  should  know  the  value 
of  this  experiment  to  economic  progress.  But  it  is  impossible  to 
know  what  elements  in  this  experiment  may  be  valuable,  what 
elements  should  be  discarded,  unless  Russia  is  given  a  free  hand 
to  work  out  its  own  destiny. 

It  must  be  added  that  the  success  or  failure  of  Bolshevism 
in  a  country  like  Russia  proves  little  regarding  the  probable  suc- 
cess of  social  ownership  in  a  country  where  economic  and  social 
conditions  are  more  advanced- 

(1)  Favoring:  Postgate,  "The  Bolshevik  Theory"   (N.  Y.,  Dpdd,  Mead 
&  Co.,  1920) ;  Lenin,  "The  State  and  Revolution"   (London,  Socialist  Labeur 
Press) ;  Paul,  Eden  and  Cedar,  "Creative  Revolution"  (London,  Geo.  Allen  & 
Unwin,  1920) ;  Marchand,  Rene,  "Why  I  Support  Bolshevism"  (London,  Brit- 
ish Socialist  Party) ;  Litvinoff,  "The  Bolshevik  Revolution — Its  Rise  and  Mean- 
ing"  (Chicago,  Socialist  Party,  1920) ;  Kameneff,  "The  Dictatorship  of  the 
Proletariat"  (London,  Communist  Party  of  Great  Britain;  pamphlet);  Lenin, 
"Will  the  Bolsheviks  Maintain  Power?"    (London,  Labour  Pub.   Co.,   1922) ; 
Lenin,  "The  Land  Revolution  in  Russia"  (London,  Indep.  Labour  Party,  1919; 
pamphlet) ;  Lenin,  "Left  Wing"  Communism    (London,   Communist  Party) ; 
Lenin,  "The  Soviets  at  Work"  (N.  Y.,  Rand  School,  1918;  pamphlet);  Lenin, 
and  Trotsky,  "Proletarian  Revolution  in  Russia"   (N.  Y.,  Communist  Press, 
1918) ;  Trotsky,  "From  October  to  Brest-Litovsk"  (Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  Soc.  Pub. 
Soc.,  1919) ;  Trotsky,  "A  Defence  of  Terrorism";  Losovsky,  "The  International 
Council  of  Trade  and  Industrial  Unions"  (N.  Y.,  Union  Pub.  Co.;  pamphlet) ; 
Trotsky,  "Dictatorship  vs.  Democracy"  (N.  Y.,  Workers'  Party,  1922). 

(2)  Critical  of:  Russell,  Bertrand,  "Bolshevism;  Practice  and  Theory" 
(N.  Y.,  Harcourt,  Brace  &  Co.,  1920,  Part  2) ;   Kautsky,  "Dictatorship  of 
the  Proletariat"  (Girard,  Ks.  Appeal  to  Reason,  1920) ;  Spar  go,  "Bolshevism" 
(N.  Y.,  Harpers,  1919) ;  Russell,  C.  E.,  "Bolshevism  and  the  U.  S."  (Indian- 
apolis, Bobbs-Merrill  Co.,  1919) ;  Walling,  W.  E.,  "Sovietism"  (N.  Y.,  Dutton, 
1920);  Kerensky,  "Prelude  to  Bolshevism"  (N.  Y.,  Dodd,  Mead  &  Co.,  1919); 
Hillguit,  "From  Marx  to  Lenin"  (N.  Y.,  Hanford  Press,  1921). 

RECENT  LITERATURE  ON  SOCIALIST  THEORY. 

"Study  Courses  in  Socialism",  referred  to  above,  mentioned 
the  most  important  books  published  prior  to  1919  on  such  phases 

10 


of  Socialism  as  Utopian  Socialism,  Marxism,  Guild  Socialism, 
etc.,  as  well  as  on  the  facts  of  the  present  system.  In  the  follow- 
ing pages  we  are  adding  to  that  list  some  of  the  most  significant 
additions.  ,•.  .*.»,• 

For  thorough  bibliographies  on  Socialism,  Guild  Socialism, 
Syndicalism,  Bolshevism,  and  other  fundamental  social  solutions, 
together  with  summaries  of  these  movements,  the  student's  at- 
tention is  called  to  the  recent  volume  by  Savel  Zimand's  "Modern 
Social  Problems",  published  1921  by  the  H.  W.  Wilson  Company 
($1.00;  260  pages).  No  group  should  be  without  this  invaluable 
guide  to  social  literature — the  most  comprehensive  volume  of  its 
kind  in  any  language.  This  volume  also  contains  bibliographies 
on  the  trade  union  movement,  cooperation,  copartnership,  na- 
tional industrial  councils,  single  tax,  anarchism,  etc. 

May  we  add  to  the  list  of  text  books  presented  in  our  former 
syllabus,  Laidler's  "Socialism  in  Thought  and  Action",  published 
by  Macmillan  Company  in  1920  ($2.60;  574  pages),  and  used 
as  a  text  book  in  more  than  a  score  of  colleges.  This  book  fol- 
lows the  general  outline  of  the  syllabus  and  describes  Socialist 
development  up  to  January,  1920.  Beer's  "History  of  British 
Socialism",  in  two  volumes  is  the  most  important  contribution  of 
the  period  to  Socialist  history.  (Published  by  Harcourt,  Brace  & 
Howe).  Additions  to  the  literature  on  various  phases  of  Social- 
ist thought  following  the  1919  syllabus,  include: 

SECTION  I— INDICTMENT  OF  CAPITALISM. 

Recent  Books:  Chase,  "The  Challenge  of  Waste",  with  bibliography  on 
waste  (L.  I.  D.  pamphlet,  1922,  10  cents) ;  Laidler,  "Socialism  in  Thought 
and  Action",  Chs.  I-II;  Committee  of  Federated  American  Engineering  So- 
cieties (Hoover  Engineers),  "Waste  in  Industry"  (Chicago,  McGraw-Hill 
Co.) ;  Bruere,  "The  Coming  of  Coal"  (N.  Y.,  Association  Press) ;  Archbald, 
"The  Four-Hour  Day  in  Coal"  (N.  Y.,  Harcourt,  Brace  &  Co.) ;  Page,  "Indus- 
trial Facts"  (N.  Y.,  Doran,  10  cents) ;  National  Bureau  of  Economic  Research, 
"The  Income  in  the  United  States"  (N.  Y.,  Harcourt,  1921) ;  Committee  of 
Inquiry  of  Interchurch  World  Movement,  "Report  of  the  Steel  Trust,  1920", 
"Public  Opinion  and  the  Steel  Strikes,  1921"  (N.  Y.,  Harcourt) ;  Sinclair, 
"The  Brass  Check"  (Pasadena,  Cal.,  Sinclair) ;  Veblen,  "The  Engineers  and 
the  Price  System"  (N.  Y.,  Huebsch,  1921) ;  Howard,  "The  Labor  Spy"  (N.  Y., 
New  Republic,  1921)  ;  Pettigrew,  "Triumphant  Plutocracy"  (N.  Y.,  Academy 
Press,  1921) ;  Angell,  "The  Press  and  the  Organization  of  Society"  (London, 
Labour  Pub.  Co.,  1922) ;  Claessens,  "The  Trinity  of  Plunder"  (N.  Y.,  Academy 
Press,  1922) ;  Nearing,  "The  American  Empire"  (N,  Y.,  Hanford  Press,  1921). 

Attention  is  particularly  called  to  Stuart  Chase's  admirable 
pamphlet  referred  to  above.  It  would  be  well  for  student  groups 
to  obtain  a  copy  of  this  pamphlet  for  each  of  their  members 
(special  rates  for  students)  and  use  it  as  the  basis  for  discussion 
at  one  or  more  meetings.  "Industrial  Facts",  by  Kirby  Page, 
another  10  cent  pamphlet,  is  also  strongly  urged  for  study 
classes.  The  most  comprehensive  study  of  waste  is  that  of  the 
Hoover  engineers.  The  best  study  of  the  division  of  the  national 
income  is  the  National  'Bureau  of  Economic  Research  findings. 
A  most  interesting  development  of  recent  years  has  been  the 
growing  acknowledgment  on  the  part  of  engineers  and  business 

ll 


men  that  the  present  way  of  doing  business  is  exceedingly  waste- 
ful and  inefficient. 

» 

SECTION  II.— UTOPIAN  SOCIALISM. 

Add:  Zimand,  "Modern  Social  Problems,"  p.  149. 

SECTION  HI.— MARXIAN  SOCIALISM. 

Add:  Hillquit,  "Socialism  from  Marx  to  Lenin"  (N.  Y.,  Hanford  Press, 
1921) ;  Laidler,  "Socialism",  etc.,  Chs.  III-IV;  Zimand,  "Modern  Social  Prob- 
lems," pp.  151-3;  Loria,  "Karl  Marx"  (N.  Y.,  Seltzer,  1920);  Beer,  "The  Life 
and  Teachings  of  Karl  Marx"  (London,  National  Labour  Press,  1921) ;  Portus, 
"Marx  and  Modern  Thought"  (New  South  Wales,  Workers'  Educational  As- 
sociation, 1921) ;  Benedict,  "The  Larger  Socialism"  (N.  Y.,  Macmillan,  1921) ; 
Le  Rossignol,  "What  Is  Socialism?"  (Anti-Marxist),  (N.  Y.,  Crowell,  1921). 

SECTION  IV.— THE  SOCIALIST  STATE. 

Add:  Webb,  "A  Constitution  for  the  Socialist  Commonwealth  of  Great 
Britain"  (N.  Y.,  Longmans,  1920);  Laidler,  "Socialism",  etc.,  Ch.  V.;  Glasier 
"The  Meaning  of  Socialism"  (N.  Y.,  Seltzer,  1920) ;  Rathenau,  "The  New  So- 
ciety" (N.  Y.,  Harcourt,  1921) ;  Hunter,  "Why  We  Fail  as  Christians"  (N.  Y., 
Macmillan,  1919) ;  Vandervelde,  "Socialism  vs.  The  State"  (Chicago,  Kerr 
&  Co.,  1919);  Nearing,  "The  Next  Step"  (Ridgewood,  N.  J.,  The  Author, 
1922). 

SECTION  V.— GUILD  SOCIALISM  AND  SYNDICALISM. 

Add:  (1)  Cole,  "Guild  Socialism  (Restated)"  (N.  Y.,  Fred.  Stokes,  1920); 
Hobson  (S.  G.),  "National  Guilds  and  the  State"  (N.  Y.,  Macmillan,  1920); 
Reckitt  and  Bechhofer,  "The  Meaning  of  National  Guilds"  (Revised  edition, 
N.  Y.,  Macmillan,  1920) ;  Zimand,  "Modern  Social  Movements",  pp.  175-207. 
(2)  Scott,  "Syndicalism  and  Philosophic  Realism"  (London,  A.  C.  Black, 
1919);  Laidler,  "Socialism",  etc.,  Ch.  VI;  Zimand,  "Modern  Social  Move- 
ments", pp.  207-227. 

The  Guild  Socialists  of  England  during  the  last  few  years 
have  been  rent  by  a  conflict  between  the  communists,  who  em- 
phasized the  need  of  a  strong,  centralized  state,  at  least  during 
the  transitional  period,  and  those  who  emphasized  decentralized 
producers'  control.  Mr.  Cole,  the  leading  figure  in  the  movement, 
has  gradually  swung  around  to  the  point  of  view  that  the  guilds- 
men  erred  in  working  out  their  future  state  in  too  great  detail. 
The  Orage  group  in  the  movement  is  giving  increasing  attention 
to  the  transformation  of  the  credit  system. 

SECTION  VI.— TENDENCIES  TOWARD  SOCIALISM. 

Add:  Zimand,  "Modern  Social  Movements",  pp.  5-113;  Laidler,  "Social- 
ism", etc.,  Ch.  VII;  Goodrich,  "The  Frontier  of  Control"  (N.  Y.,  Harcourt, 
1920) ;  Chiozza-Money,  "The  Triumph  of  Nationalization  (London,  Cassell, 
1920) ;  Savage,  "Industrial  Unionism"  (N.  Y.,  Button,  1922) ;  Webb,  "Con- 
sumers' Cooperative  Movement"  (N.  Y.,  Longmans,  1922) ;  Woolf,  "Coopera- 
tion and  the  Future  of  Industry"  (London,  Geo.  Allen  &  Unwin,  1919) ; 
Sennichsen,  "Consumers'  Cooperation"  (N.  Y.,  Macmillan,  1919)  ;  Redfern, 
"The  Consumer's  Place  in  Society"  (Manchester,  Cooperative  Union,  1920) ; 
Gleason,  "What  the  Workers  Want"  (N.  Y.,  Harcourt,  1920) ;  Beer,  "History 
of  Socialism"  (N.  Y.,  Harcourt,  Vol.  2,  pp.  363-72,  1920) ;  Howe,  "Denmark, 
A  Cooperative  Commonwealth"  (N.  Y.,  Harcourt,  1921) ;  Nationalization 
Research  Committee,  United  Mine  Workers,  "How  to  Run  Coal"  (N.  Y.,  Bu- 

12 


reau  of  Industrial  Research,  1922) ;  Hodges,  Frank,  "Nationalization  of  the 
Mines"  (London,  Leonard  Parsons,  1920) ;  Foster,  "The  Railroaders'  Next 
Step"  (Chicago,  Trade  Union  Educational  League,  1922) ;  Baker,  "The  New 
Industrial  Unrest"  (N.  Y.,  Harpers,  1920). 

The  Workers'  Council  Movement  in  Europe  is  one  of  the  most 
significant  of  post-war  developments.  In  this  country  among  the 
most  important  steps  toward  industrial  democracy  are  the  gradual 
emergency  of  a  labor-farmer  party,  the  demand  of  the  miners  for 
social  ownership  of  the  mines,  the  growth  of  labor  banking,  labor 
education,  labor  research  and  a  labor  press  service  and  the  increased 
hold  of  consumers'  cooperation  on  the  massses. 

SECTION  VII.— OBJECTIONS  TO  SOCIALISM. 

Add:  Hobson,  "Incentives  in  the  New  Industrial  Order"  (N.  Y.,  Seltzer, 
1922) ;  Dell,  "Socialism  and  Personal  Loberty"  (N.  Y.,  Seltzer,  1922) ;  Laidler, 
"Socialism,"  etc.,  Ch.  VIII;  Glasier,  "The  Meaning  of  Socialism";  Boucke, 
"Limits  of  Socialism"  (N.  Y.,  Macmillan,  1920). 

SECTION  VIII.— DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

Add:  Postgate,  "The  Workers'  Internationals"  (N.  Y.,  Harcourt,  1920); 
Beer,  "History  of  British  Socialism",  2  Vols.  (N.  Y.,  Harcourt,  1919-1921) ; 
Laidler,  "Socialism",  etc.,  Pt.  II;  Hillquit,  "From  Marx  to  Lenin"  (N.  Y., 
Hanford  Press,  1921) ;  Files  of  Socialist  Review,  Dec.,  1919- April,  May,  1921; 
Labour  Herald, .Labor  Age,  Nov.,  1921;  Labour  Monthly  (British),  August, 
1921  to ;  Bulletin  of  U.  S.  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  No.  268,  "Histor- 
ical Survey  of  International  Action  Affecting  Labor"  (Washington,  U.  S. 
Dept.  of  Labor,  1920). 

SECTION  IX.— SOCIALISM  AND  THE  GREAT  WAR. 

Add:  Kellogg  and  Gleason;  "British  Labour  and  the  War"  (N.  Y.,  Har- 
court, 1919) ;  Sevan,  "German  Social  Democracy  During  the  War"  (N.  Y., 
Dutton,  1919);  Laidler,  "Socialism",  etc.,  Chs.  X-XIV;  Zimand,  "Modern 
Social  Movements,"  pp.  123  ff;  Oneal,  "Labor  and  the  Next  War"  (Chicago, 
Socialist  Party,  1922). 

SECTION  X.— RECONSTRUCTION— NATIONAL  AND  INTER- 
NATIONAL. 

Add:  Gleason,  "What  the  Workers  Want"  (N.  Y.,  Harcourt,  1920); 
Hobson,  "Problems  of  the  New  World"  (London,  George  Allen  &  Unwin, 
1921) ;  Committee  on  the  War  and  Religious  Outlook,  "The  Church  and  In- 
dustrial Reconstruction"  (N.  Y.,  Association  Press,  1920) ;  Chiozza-Money, 
"The  Triumph  of  Nationalization"  (London,  Cassell  &  Co.,  1921) ;  Ward, 
"The  New  Social  Order"  (N.  Y.,  Macmillan,  1919) ;  VUliers,  "Britain  After 
the  Peace"  (N.  Y.,  Dutton,  1918);  Carter  (Editor),  "Industrial  Reconstruc- 
tion," a  Symposium,  (N.  Y.,  Dutton,  1918) ;  Nearing,  "Irrepressible  America"; 
Brails  ford,  "After  the  Peace"  (London,  Leonard  Parsons,  1920) ;  Turner, 
"Shall  It  Be  Again?"  (N.  Y.,  Huebsch,  1922). 

Unfortunately  most  of  these  reconstruction  plans  have  thus 
far  failed  to  materialize. 


13 


PARTIAL  DIRECTORY  OF  SOCIAL  AGENCIES. 

American  Labor  Party,  3.  W.  16th  St.,  N.  Y.  C.  A  New  York  State  party 
composed  of  trade  unionists,  Socialists  and  Farmer-Laborites. 

American  Association  for  Labor  Legislation,  131  E.  23rd  St.,  N.  Y.  C.  Pub- 
lishes monthly,  "American  Labor  Legislation  Review." 

American  Civil  Liberties  Union,  100  Fifth  Ave.,  N.  Y.  C.  Distributes  a 
weekly  service  on  civil  liberties  and  publishes  numerous  pamphlets. 

American  Federation  of  Labor,  Federation  Building,  Washington,  D.  C.  Pub- 
lishes monthly,  "American  Federationist." 

American  Federation  of  Teachers,  166  W.  Washington  St.,  Chicago,  111. 

Bureau  of  Industrial  Research,  289  Fourth  Ave.,  N.  Y.  C.  Special  research 
on  reorganization  of  the  coal  mining  industry.  Publishes  valuable 
pamphlets. 

Church  League  for  Industrial  Democracy,  6140  Cottage  Grove  Ave.,  Chicago, 
111.  Regular  membership  confined  to  members  of  the  Episcopal  Church. 

Committee  of  Forty-eight,  15  East  Fortieth  St.,  N.  Y.  C.  Seeks  to  crystallize 
progressive  sentiment  of  the  country  into  liberal  party. 

Conference  for  Progressive  Political  Action,  Machinist  Building,  Washington, 
D.  C.  Formed  by  the  railway  brotherhoods,  machinists,  etc.  Contains 
representatives  of  the  Socialist,  Farmer-Labor  and  other  parties.  Seeks 
to  work  out  a  program  of  effective  political  action  in  behalf  of  labor. 

Co-operative  League  of  America,  The,  167  W.  12th  St.,  N.  Y.  C.  Central  edu- 
cation bureau  of  consumers'  cooperative  movement  of  America.  Pub- 
lishes monthly,  "Co-operation"  and  pamphlets  on  cooperation. 

Farmer-Labor  Party,  166  W.  Washington  St.,  Chicago,  111. 

Farmers'  National  Council,  Bliss  Building,  Washington,  D.  C.  A  progressive 
organization  of  "dirt"  farmers. 

The  Federated  Press,  511  N.  Peoria  St.,  Chicago,  111.  Labor  press  bureau 
supplying  daily  news  service  to  more  than  100  labor  papers.  Also  issues 
weekly  service. 

Fellowship  of  Reconciliation,  396  Broadway,  N.  Y.  C.  Stresses  the  ethical 
aspects  of  pacifism  and  of  industrial  reorganization. 

Friends  of  Soviet  Russia,  201  W.  13th  St.,  N.  Y.  C.  Organized  for  relief 
work  for  Russia.  Publishes  monthly,  "Soviet  Russia." 

Industrial  Workers  of  the  World,  1001  W.  Madison  St.,  Chicago,  111.  Pub- 
lishes weekly,  "Solidarity",  and  pamphlets. 

International  Relation.  Clubs,  419  W.  117th  St.,  N.  Y.  C.  College  section 
of  the  Institute  of  International  Education,  formed  to  throw  light  on 
international  problems. 

The  Labor  Bureau,  Inc.,  1  Union  Square,  N.  Y.  C.  Formed  to  supply  trade 
unions  with  statistical  information  and  advice. 

League  for  Industrial  Democracy,  70  Fifth  Ave.,  N.  Y.  C.  Object:  "Educa- 
tion for  a  new  social  order  based  on  production  for  use  and  not  for 
profit."  Works  within  and  without  the  colleges.  Publishes  literature, 
schedules  lecturers,  conducts  research,  publicity,  etc. 

National  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Colored  People,  70  Fifth  Ave., 
N.  Y.  C.  Publishes  monthly,  "The  Crisis." 

National  Bureau  of  Economic  Research,  465  W.  13th  St.,  N.  Y.  C.  An  im- 
partial fact-finding  agency.  Has  published  valuable  material  on  distribu- 
tion of  incomes,  unemployment,  business  cycles,  etc. 

National  Council  for  Prevention  of  War,  532  Seventeenth  St.,  N.  W.,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C. 

National  Consumers'  League,  44  E.  23rd  St.,  N.  Y.  C.  Has  specialized  on 
labor  legislation  for  women. 

National  Student  Forum,  2929  Broadway,  N.  Y.  C.  Seeks  to  stimulate  stu- 
dents to  investigate  all  phases  of  public  questions. 

National  Women's  Trade  Union  League,  311  S.   Ashland  Blvd.,  Chicago,  111. 

Nationalization  Research  Committee,  United  Mine  Workers  of  America, 
Merchants'  Bank  Building,  Indianapolis,  Ind. 

National  Non-Partisan  League,  St.  Paul,  Minn. 

People's  Legislative  Service,  Southern  Building,  Washington,  D.  C.  Seeks  to 
keep  the  country  informed  regarding  federal  legislation. 

14 


Public  Ownership  League  of  America,  127  N.  Dearborn  St.,  Chicago,  111.  Pub- 
lishes monthly,  "Public  Ownership,"  and  pamphlets.  Specializes  on 
question  of  municipal  and  federal  ownership. 

Rand  School  of  Social  Science,  7  E.  15th  St.,  N.  Y.  C.  The  Rand  Book  Store, 
connected  with  the  school,  has  the  best  equipment  of  books  on  industrial 
democracy  of  any  store  in  the  country. 

Research  Bureau,  Social  Service  Commission  of  the  Federal  Council  of 
Churches  of  America,  105  E.  22nd  St.,  N.  Y.  C.  A  research  and  pub- 
licity organization  among  the  churches  on  social  and  labor  problems. 

Social  Service  Committee  of  Methodist  Church,  150  Fifth  Ave.,  N.  Y.  C.  Re- 
search and  publicity  service. 

Socialist  Party,  2418  W.  Madison  St.,  Chicago,  111.  Publishes  weekly,  "The 
Eye  Opener",  monthly,  "The  Socialist  World",  and  book  and  pamphlet 
literature. 

Trade  Union  Educational  League,  118  N.  LaSalle  St.,  Chicago,  111.  Seeks  to 
promote  program  of  industrial  unionism.  Publishes  monthly,  "Labor 
Herald",  and  pamphlets. 

Workers'  Education  Bureau,  465  W.  23rd  St.,  N.  Y.  C.  Central  bureau  of 
the  American  workers'  educational  movement.  Publishes  text-books  and 
pamphlets. 

The  Workers'  Party,  799  Broadway,  N.  Y.  C.  The  "above-ground"  communist 
party  of  America.  Weekly  journal,  "The  Worker". 

Women's  Peace  Society,  505  Fifth  Ave.,  N.  Y.  C. 

Women's  Peace  Union  of  the  Western  Hemisphere,  70  Fifth  Ave.,  N.  Y.  C. 

Among  the  progressive  and  radical  journals  not  listed  above 
are: 

Monthlies:  "Labor  Age",  41  Union  Square,  N.  Y.  C.;  "World  Tomorrow",  396 
Broadway,  N.  Y.  C.;  "The  National  Leader",  427  Sixth  Ave.,  S.  Minne- 
apolis, Minn.;  "Locomotive  Engineers'  Journal",  B.  of  L.  E.  Building, 
Cleveland,  Ohio;  "Machinists'  Monthly  Journal,"  Machinist  Bldg.,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C.;  "Survey  Graphic",  112  E.  19th  St.,  N.  Y.  C.;  "Liberator", 
138  W.  13th  St.,  N.  Y.  C.;  "Arbitrator",  114  E.  31st  St.,  N.  Y.  C. 

Weeklies:  "The  Nation",  20  Vesey  St.,  N.  Y.  C.;  "New  Republic*",  421  W. 
21st  St.,  N.  Y.  C.;  "The  Survey",  112  E.  19th  St.,  N.  Y.  C.;  "New  Ma- 
jority", 166  W.  Washington  St.,  Chicago,  111.;  "The  Searchlight",  Wood- 
ward Bldg.,  Washington,  D.  C. ;  "Labor",  Machinist  Building,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C.;  "The  Freeman",  116  W.  13th  St.,  N.  Y.  C.;  "Justice"  (organ 
of  International  Ladies'  Garment  Workers'  Union),  3  W.  16th  St.,  N. 
Y.  C. ;  "Advance"  (organ  of  Amalgamated  Clothing  Workers),  31  Union 
Square,  N.  Y.  C.. 

Labor  Dailies:  "N.  Y.  Call",  112  Fourth  Aye.,  N.  Y.  C.;  "Milwaukee  Leader", 
Brisbane  Bldg.,  Milwaukee,  Wisconsin;  "Minneapolis  Daily  Star,"  427 
Sixth  Ave.,  Minneapolis,  Minn.;  "Seattle  Record,"  Seattle,  Washington. 

The  following  publishers  have  devoted  very  considerable 
attention  to  labor  and  socialist  literature : 

Chas.  H.  Kerr  &  Co.,  341  E.  Ohio  St.,  Chicago,  111.;  Hanford  Press,  7  E. 
15th  St.,  N.  Y.  C.;  Academy  Press,  112  Fourth  Ave.,  N.  Y.  C.;  Bureau  of 
Industrial  Research,  289  Fourth  Ave.,  N.  Y.  C.;  Thos.  Seltzer,  5  W.  50th  St.; 
Macmillan  Co.,  64  5th  Ave.,  N.  Y.  C.;  Harcourt,  Brace  &  Co.,  1  W.  47th  St., 
N.  Y.  C.;  B.  W.  Huebsch,  116  W.  13th  St.,  N.  Y.  C.;  Boni  &  Liveright,  105 
W.  40th  St.,  N.  Y.  C. 

ORGANIZATIONS  AND  PUBLICATIONS  ABROAD. 

International  Labour  Office,  Geneva,  Switzerland  (also  7,  Seamore  PL,  Curzon 
St.,  London,  W.  I.  Eng.).  The  labour  bureau  of  the  League  of  Nations. 
Publishes  a  comprehensive  monthly,  "The  International  Labour  Review", 
and  a  large  number  of  studies  on  various  aspects  of  the  labour  movement. 

International  Cooperative  Alliance,  4  Great  Smith  St.,  Westminster,  London, 
Eng.  The  central  organization  of  the  international  consumers'  move- 
ment. Publishes  monthly,  "The  International  Cooperative  Bulletin". 

The  International  Federation  of  Trade  Unions,  61  Vondelstraat,  Amsterdam, 
Holland.  The  federation  containing  most  of  the  trade  unions  of  the 

15 


world  outside  of  those  in  Russia  and  the  United   States.        Publishes 

monthly,  and  supplies  a  news  service. 
International  Council  of  Trade  and  Industrial  Unions,  Moscow,  Russia. 

Communist  "Red"  trade  union  international. 
World  Association  for  Adult  Education,  13  John  St.,  Adelphi,  London,  S.  C.  2, 

England. 
Political  Internationals  —  For  further  information  concerning  the    Secc 

ternational",  apply  to  British  Labour  Party;  for  "Vienna  International  , 

to  Independent  Labor  Party;  for  "Third  International'  ,  to  Communist 

Party  of  Great  Britain  (address  below). 
Labour  Research  Department,  34  Eccleston  Square,  London,  S.  W.  I.,  t, 

A  central  clearing  house  for  information  concerning  the  international 

labor,    socialist    and    communist    movements.      Publishes    the    "Labour 

Monthly",  a  well-informed  journal  of  the  international  labor  movement, 

with  a  communistic   slant.      Prepared  International   Labour  Handbook 

and  numerous  other  publications. 
Fabian  Society,  25  Tothill  St.,  London,  S.  W.  1.,  England.  Makes  specialty  of 

scientific  and   popular   pamphlet  literature.      Publishes   monthly, 

Fabian  News". 
Guild  Socialist  League,  39  Cursitor  St.,  London,  Eng.     Central  organization 

for  Guild   Socialist  movement  in   England.      Publishes  monthly, 

Guild  Socialist",  and  numerous  pamphlets. 
Labour  Publishing  Company,   6   Tavistock  Square,  London,  England. 

lishes  a  large  number  of  important  books  on  the  socialist  and  comm 


'  Carmelite  St.,  Fleet  St.,  London,  E.  C.  4,  England.     The  of- 

ficial newspaper  of  the  Labour  party. 
The  New  Statesman,  10  Great  Queen  St.,  London,  W.  C.,  England.    A  weekly 

of  moderate  socialist  thought. 
Foreign  Affairs,  Great  Smith  St.,  Westminster,  London,  England.     A  weekly 

emphasizing  the  need  of  a  broad  internationalism. 
The  New  Age,  38  Cursitor  St.,  London,  E.  C.  4,  Eng.     Guildsman  weekly,  in- 

terested chiefly  in  Douglas'  credit  plan. 
British  Labour  Party,  33  Eccleston  Square,  London,  S.W.I.,  England.  I 

lishes  weekly  news  service,  a  monthly,  "The  Labour  Review     and 

merous  pamphlets. 
Independent  Labour  Party,  8  and  9  Johnston's  Court,  London,  E.  C.  4,  E 

The  socialist  branch  of  the  British  Labour  party.    Publishes  weekly, 

New  Leader",  edited  by  H.  N.  Brailsford,  and  monthly,  "The  Sociahs 

Review",  edited  by  Ramsay  Macdonald. 
British  Communist  Party,  16  King  St.,  Covent  Garden,  London,  W.  C.  2,  Eng. 

Publishes  weekly,  "The  Communist",  and  many  leaflets. 

University  Labour  Federation,  33  Eccleston  Square,  London,  S.  W.  I.,  Eng. 
University  Socialist  Federation,  34  Eccleston  Square,  London,  S.  W.  I.,  Eng. 

For  a  more  complete  list  of  labor  and  socialist  organizations  and  papers 
abroad  see  "International  Labour  Handbook",  published  by  Labour  Publish- 
ing Co.,  London,  Eng.,  and  the  "International  Labour  Directory",  published 
by  the  International  Labour  Office,  Geneva,  Switzerland. 

This  syllabus  is  published  by  the   LEAGUE  FOR  INDUSTRIAL  DE- 
MOCRACY.    For  further  information  regarding  the  League's  college  i 
city  groups,  lectures,  literature,  conferences,  etc.,  write  to  the  League  head- 
quarters,  70  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York  City.     Among  the   League   pamph- 
lets recommended  are  "Challenge  of  Waste",  Stuart  Chase  (lOc)  ^'Irrepres- 
sible America",  Dr.  Scott  Nearing  (lOc)  ;  "Express  Companies  of  the  L 
Bertram  Benedict  (lOc)  ;  "Freedom  in  the  Workshop",  Felix  Grendon  ( 
"Public  Ownership  Throughout  the  World",  Harry  W.  Laidler  (lOc)  ;  " 
Courses  in  Socialism",  Harry  W.  Laidler  (lOc)  ;  "A  Study  Course  in  Social- 
ism" (a  sketch),  Jesse  Lynch  Williams  (Ic). 

LEAGUE  FOR  INDUSTRIAL  DEMOCRACY 
^^i8i  70  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York  City 

This  Pamphlet   lOc.  a  Copy     (December,   1922)  15   Copies   for  $1.00 


